Islamic Awareness

© Islamic Awareness, All Rights Reserved.

First Composed: 10th April 2008

Last Updated: 8th April 2010

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Sotheby's 1993, recto		Sotheby's 1993, verso

Sotheby's 1992, recto		Sotheby's 1992, verso

Bonham's 2000, recto		Bonham's 2000, verso

Christie's 2008, recto		Christie's 2008, verso

Date

Mid-first century of hijra.

Script

Ḥijāzī.

Although the script in this fragment is italic, yet its angles are sharp. One is advised to consult the after named publications for specific details on the published folios lines per page, verse/surah divisions, specifics of script etc.

History Of The Manuscript

In 1965 heavy rains damaged the roof construction of the Western Library in the Great Mosque of Ṣanʿāʾ – a mosque established by a companion of Prophet Muhammad. Qādī Hussain bin Ahmed al-Sayaghy, then Director of Administration at the Yemen National Museum, instructed an examination of the area concerned be carried out to asses the extent of the damage. During this time a forgotten about storeroom with no access door and a single window was discovered to contain a substantial cache of used Arabic manuscripts, almost all being ancient manuscripts of the Qur'an spanning the first few Islamic centuries. Before repairs to the storeroom were complete, five or more sacks of Qur'anic manuscripts were removed and deposited in the Awqāf Library. Over time the curator of the library sold off the contents of the sacks unlawfully with some of the manuscripts ending up in Western libraries. In 1972 in order to consolidate the north-west corner of the external wall to the mosque, it was necessary to remove part of the roof to allow progress to be made in the restoration and renovation works. As the storeroom was also located in this area the remaining manuscripts were permanently removed consisting of some twenty sacks and placed in the National Museum.^[1] Reminiscent of the adventures of Indiana Jones, the re-opening of the storeroom was photographed almost immediately after its occurrence, the Italian Islamic archaeologist Paolo Costa proudly kneeling in front of the cache of manuscripts cradling a folio of the Qur'an.^[2] After noticing the contents of the sacks were gradually diminishing, the Yemeni authorities realised these valuable Qur'anic manuscripts were yet again being sold off piecemeal. Consequently in an attempt to prevent further corruption, the remaining manuscripts were eventually retransferred back to the Great Mosque. At the international level an urgent call for the preservation of these manuscripts would soon gain widespread attention. A Colloquium on the Islamic City organised by the World of Islam Festival Trust, sponsored by UNESCO, was held at the Middle East Centre, Faculty of Oriental Studies, University of Cambridge, in July 1976. Drawing a wide variety of experts from both the Muslim and non Muslim world, a number of specific research activities were recommended, amongst which was highlighted the pressing need to conserve the rich corpus of Qur'anic texts discovered in the Great Mosque of Ṣanʿāʾ.^[3]

Apparently with no indigenous expertise to conserve the badly damaged manuscripts, Qādī Ismāʿīl al-Akwá, President of the General Organization Of Antiquities and Libraries initiated the effort to secure external specialists to conserve the manuscripts.^[4] As word spread of the find, Denmark contacted the Yemeni government with the offer to preserve the manuscripts on the condition they were sent to Denmark where the restoration work would take place. This offer was rejected by the Yemeni authorities who preferred the manuscripts to remain in the country. Finally, after much deliberation, al-Akwá authorised a special project funded by the cultural section of the Foreign ministry of West Germany, to restore and catalogue the manuscripts on location in Yemen. After the signing of a ‘bilateral’ agreement entitled ‘Arrangement Between The Government Of The Federal Republic Of Germany And The Government Of The Yemen Arab Republic Concerning The Restoration And Cataloguing Of Arabic Manuscripts’,^[5] work took place beginning in the autumn of 1980, the overall director of the project being Gerd-R Puin. The chief conservator Ursula Dreibholz joined the project in 1982. Gerd-R Puin was subsequently replaced by his colleague Hans-Casper Graf von Bothmer, an art historian from the Universität des Saarlandes, who remained director until the end of the project in the final months of 1989.^[6] After the work had been completed, the assessment concluded there were almost 1,000 unique copies of the Qur'an comprising approximately 15,000 parchment fragments, with less than 1% of the find belonging to non-Qur'anic material.^[7] Funding for the project ran out before a catalogue or even a handlist could be compiled.^[8] Perhaps the most outstanding realisation was that a small percentage of these Qur'anic manuscripts displayed signs of great antiquity, allowing them to be placed with a degree of certitude into the first century of hijra. It was also discovered about one hundred manuscripts contained elaborate decorations. Realising the importance of the find the German team, which enjoyed exclusive access to the site, began to microfilm as much of the material as they could totalling more than 35,000 images.^[9] It is from the context thus described that the story of codex Ṣanʿāʾ DAM 01-27.1 emerges.

The first occasion where the existence of this codex was made known to the general public was with the publication of Maṣāḥif Ṣanʿāʾ, an exhibition catalogue presenting some of the findings of the project. A single palimpsest folio of codex Ṣanʿāʾ DAM 01-27.1, folio 17a according to Noseda's classification, was displayed along with some brief comments regarding the script and its contents. The folio was tentatively dated to the first half of the first century of hijra.^[10] A couple of years later Hans-Casper Graf von Bothmer showcased a bifolio from this codex, folio 18a according to Noseda's classification. Discussing the script, contents and the fact it was palimpsest, von Bothmer tentatively dated the folio also to the first half of the first century of hijra.^[11] It would appear with the publication of these folios the importance of this codex became impressed upon those studying the most ancient Qur'anic manuscripts. In October 1992, the latter instance of Sotheby's (London) biannual sale of Islamic art, a folio from codex Ṣanʿāʾ DAM 01-27.1 was put under the hammer fetching a princely sum of £159,500 (including buyers premium) around five times the estimated asking price. The experts-in-charge of the sale were Nabil Saidi and Marcus Fraser, now an independent Islamic art consultant. At the time, they noted the ‘similarity' between this folio and the folio displayed in the exhibition catalogue without ever fully describing their intimate connection.^[12] Further folios from this manuscript were sold at Sotheby's (London) as Lot 31 in October 1993^[13] and Bonham's (London) as Lot 13 in October 2000.^[14] It was not until the folio sold at Sotheby's in 1992 was put under the hammer yet again at Christie's (London) as Lot 12 in May 2001, that the genetic connection between all the folios just discussed would soon become public knowledge. Renowned antiquarian Sam Fogg subsequently acquired this folio and it promptly made its way into their Islamic Calligraphy catalogue published in 2003. For the first time it was explicitly stated that Maṣāḥif Ṣanʿāʾ, 1985, Sotheby's 1992, Sotheby's 1993 and Bonham's 2000 were folios originating from the same manuscript,^[15] namely codex Ṣanʿāʾ DAM 01-27.1.

This particular folio has been the subject of some detailed discussion. The scriptio superior and scriptio inferior texts of this folio was first discussed by Dr. Yasin Dutton from Department of Islamic and Middle Eastern Studies, University of Edinburgh, at a conference entitled "The Qur'an: Text, Interpretation and Translation", held at the School of Oriental and African Studies, London in 2003. Discussing the readings of the scriptio inferior text (i.e., washed-away text) of the Qur'an, he suggested that they originated from the pre-‘Uthmanic times. This folio was discussed (amongst others) at a Symposium on Islamic Calligraphy held at Vortragssaal, Kunstgewerbemuseum, Kulturforum, Berlin which drew together six internationally recognised experts in the field of Islamic calligraphy; some notable attendees include François Déroche and Sheila Blair as well as others. The symposium inaugurated the exhibition Ink and Gold: Masterpieces of Islamic Calligraphy, held at the Museum für Islamische Kunst (Museum of Islamic Art), Berlin, in July-August of 2006. Held in collaboration with Sam Fogg, this exhibition charted the development of Islamic calligraphy from its beginnings in the seventh century Arabia onwards. The stated catalogue accompanying this exhibition was published on behalf of Sam Fogg in 2006.^[16] One will note in this publication the date of the folio is more cautiously given as mid to late seventh century as opposed to mid-seventh century in the previous catalogue. The provenance of this folio has also been extended to include Syria as well as the Ḥijāz. Recently, the scriptio inferior text of this folio including one of its sister folios has been studied again by Alba Fedeli, a pupil of Noseda and now Director of Fondazione Ferni Noja Noseda, who confirmed some of the readings were of Ibn Mas‘ūd as well as some other companions as reported in the Islamic traditions.^[17] Fedeli has established no more than what the scribe who washed away this text around fourteen centuries ago already knew: the initial text contained on this parchment was not in accordance with the Qur'anic text collected by ‘Uthman. The author notes it is baseless to assert this folio was one of Ibn Mas‘ūd's or a leaf from one of the Qur'ans ‘Uthman distributed. However, suggesting as she does, that this folio could originate from the tenth century (fourth century hijra), the author leaves anyone with a passing knowledge of the chronology of Arabic palaeography scratching their heads. On the other hand, Déroche stated this folio could be one of the oldest examples of an Arabic palimpsest and that it was apparently in use sometime in the first century AH / seventh century CE.^[18] The palimpsest manuscripts of the Qur'an are rare. The only other known palimpsest is the ‘Mingana Palimpsest’.

Whatever the reason may be, none of the aforementioned publications mentioned the dozens of other folios belonging to this manuscript still kept at Dār al-Makhṭūtāt. The late Sergio Noja Noseda, Professor Emeritus of Arabic Language and Literature at the Catholic University of the Sacred Heart, founded the Amari project whose goal was to put in the hands of western scholars scale facsimile reproductions of the earliest Qur'anic manuscripts known to him and his colleagues with the hope of creating a ‘critical edition’ of the Qur'an.^[19] As part of this ongoing project, Noseda visited Ṣanʿāʾ in 2002 in order to examine, organise and have photographed those manuscripts that would become part of the forthcoming volumes of his Sources De La Transmission Manuscrite Du Texte Coranique.^[20] Writing his obituary, Giuliana Malpezzi of Centro di Cultura Italia Asia, reported that Noseda's visit, in cooperation with the L'Académie Française, was made possible by special Yemeni presidential decree and that he was also permitted to have some samples of the manuscripts taken for the purposes of radiocarbon dating.^[21] Noseda described in detail the contents of all thirty-two folios from a palimpsest Qur'an - codex Ṣanʿāʾ DAM 01-27.1 - still present at Dār al-Makhṭutāt^[22] as well as listing other ancient Ḥijāzī codices such as DAM 01-32.1,^[23] DAM 01-18.3 (sixteen folios),^[24] DAM 01-29.1,^[25] DAM 01-30.1,^[26] DAM 01-20.7 (one folio), DAM 01-28.1 (sixty folios),^[27] DAM 01-25.1 (twenty-nine folios).^[28] We now know that Noseda's list of codex Ṣanʿāʾ DAM 01-27.1 can be expanded by a further four folios, namely, Sotheby's 1992, Sotheby's 1993, Bonham's 2000 and, most recently, Christies' 2008 where yet another folio from this codex went under the hammer selling for a remarkable £2,200,000, around fifteen times the estimated asking price.^[29] For the purposes of consistency and to prevent confusion, we have reproduced the table below in accordance with the list of folios as ordered by Noseda (i.e., according to scriptio superior text). For additional clarity the folio numbers assigned by Noseda are cross-referenced with those images already published.^[30] The auction folios not catalogued by Noseda are given first to preserve verse order.

Contents

Noseda informs us he was able to personally examine these manuscripts on site at Ṣanʿāʾ. Some brief comments are in order limited to the folios in the public domain. He states he was unable to examine the verso side of folios 4 and 5. He provides the last verse of folio 4 recto and the first verse of folio 5 recto. One is unsure why Noseda did not specify the full contents especially since the images of these folios were already published in the Memory Of The World: Ṣanʿāʾ Manuscripts, CD-ROM Presentation by UNESCO, a resource that Noseda makes mention of in his article. Additionally, Noseda has made or reproduced a number of mistakes regarding the contents of quite a few folios (~45% total). Folio 32 is no longer considered a part of the codex.

Some new folios from this codex have come to light and they were recently published by Dr. Elisabeth Puin.^[31] In response to a query regarding the precise contents of one of the folios, Puin has since re-examined every folio of the codex and has corrected some discrepancies found in the table of contents.^[32] Yet to be published, Puin has kindly provided the authors with the updated data which we have utilised accordingly.^[33] Thus the codex now contains 40 folios [= 31 (Dār al-Makhṭūtāt, Ṣanʿāʾ) + 4 (auction folios) + 5 (newly identified folios, viz., 2z, 6z, 9z, 10zre + 10zli and 22z)] and are listed below.

Codex Ṣanʿāʾ DAM 01-27.1
Folio Number	Qur'anic Surah (Scriptio Superior)	Qur'anic Surah (Scriptio Inferior)	Size of the Folio (cm.)	Image Publication
–	2:265 – 2:272	2:191 – 2:196	36.5 x 28.1	Sotheby's 1993, recto
–	2:272 – 2:277	2:197 – 2:205		Sotheby's 1993, verso
–	2:277 – 2:282	2:206 – 2:217	36.6 x 28.2	Sotheby's 1992, recto
–	2:282 – 2:286	2:217 – 2:223		Sotheby's 1992, verso
–	4:33 – 4:43	5:41 – 5:47	36.8 x 27.6	Bonham's 2000, recto
–	4:43 – 4:56	5:47 – 5:54		Bonham's 2000, verso
–	4:171 – 5:3		36.3 x 28.0	Christie's 2008, recto
–	5:3 – 5:9			Christie's 2008, verso
1r	6:49 – 6:61		36.0 x 28.0	UNESCO Image No. 152255B
1v	6:61 – 6:73
2r	6:149 – 6:159	2:87 – 2:96	37.0 x 27.0	UNESCO Image No. 152254B; Puin, 2008 recto[34]
2v	6:159 – 7:11	2:96 – 2:105		Puin, 2008 verso
2zr	9:112 – 9:114
2zv	9:124 – 9:127
3r	14:32 – 14:41
3v	14:52 – 15:16	Beginning surah 8
4r	16:73 – 16.89	8:73 – 9:7	36.0 x 28.0	UNESCO Image No. 027002B; Puin, 2009 recto (part)
4v	16:89 – 16:102	9:7 – 9:16		Puin, 2009 verso (part)
5r	16:102 – 16:118	9:17 – 9:26	36.0 x 28.0	UNESCO Image No. 027004B; Puin, 2009 recto
5v	16:118 – 17:6
6r	17:40 – 17:58
6v	17:59 – 17:77
6zr	18:22
6zv	18:32 – 18:33
7r	19:38 – 19:64	33:51 – 33:55
7v	19:64 – 19:98	33:57 – 33:71
8r	20:1 – 20:43	24:1 – 24:13	37.0 x 28.0	UNESCO Image No. 152256B
8v	20:44 – 20:74	24:13 – 24:23
9r	20:74 – 20:98	24:23 – 24:32
9v	20:98 – 20:130	24:32 – 24:40
9zr	21:16 – 21:19
9zv	21:38 – 21:42
10r	21:42 – 21:72
10v	21:72 – 21:92
10zrer	21:109 – 21:112
10zrev	22:9 – 22:10
10zlir	21:111 – 22:1
10zliv	22:15 - 22:16
11r	25:10 – 25:34
11v	25:34 – 25:59
12r	26:155 – 26:175	28:30 – 28:35
12v	26:198 – 26:219	28:19 – 28:24
13r	27:25 – 27:29
13v	27:46 – 27:49
14r	28:58 – 28:74	15:6 – 15:33
14v	28:74 – 28:86	15:33 – 15:74
15r	29:29 – 29:40	25:15 – 25:27
15v	29:43 – 29:53	15:88 – 15:99; 25:1 – 25:8
16r	30:26 – 30:40	9:70 – 9:80
16v	30:40 – 30:54	9:81 – 9:84
17r	31:24 – 32:4	9:106 – 9: 113	37.1 x 28.0	Maṣāḥif Ṣan‘a', 1985
17v	32:4 – 32:20	9:114 – 9:120
18r	32:20 – 33:6 (bifolio)	9:121 – 9:129; 19:1 – 19:5	–	Hans-Casper von Bothmer, 1987?
18v	33:6 – 33:18 (bifolio)	19:6 – 19:28
19r	33:18 – 33:29 (bifolio)	19:30 – 19:53
19v	33:30 – 33:37 (bifolio)	19:53 – 19:66
20r	34:52 – 35:9
20v	35:10 – 35:18
21r	37:38 – 37:58
21v	37:73 – 37:88
22r	37:102 – 37:134
22v	37:134 – 37:171
22zr	38:73 – 38:75
22zv	39:6
23r	41:17 – 41:27	37:15 – 37:32
23v	41:33 – 41:43	37:43 – 37:68
24r	41:47 – 42:5	37:82 – 37:102
24v	42:10 – 42:16	37:118 – 37:142
25r	42:21 – 42:29	21:5 – 21:19
25v	42:38 – 42:48
26r	43:63 – 43:69
26v	43:89 – 44:11
27r	47:15 – 47:20
27v	47:33 – 48:2	18:15 – 18:18
28r	55:16 – 56:5	34:13 – 34:14
28v	56:5 – 56:69	34:24 – 34:32
29r	56:96 – 57:10
29v	57:16 – 57:22
30r	57:27 – 58:5
30v	58:11 – 58:22
31r	59:2 – 59:10		19.0 x 16.0	UNESCO Image No. 152257B
31v	59:14 – 60:1

It is worth noting that the scriptio inferior text of DAM 01-27.1 has at least two non-standard sūrah changeovers, being sūrah 9 to 19 and sūrah 15 to 25. As far as we are aware, these sequences are not given in the sources which provide lists allegedly originating with various companion codices. Such an explanation (i.e., companion codices) though feasible, is not the only one. There exist numerous partially written copies of the Qur'ans dating well into medieval times that contain a variety of sūrah orders.^[35] This phenomenon, however, cannot be attributed to the alleged sequence of sūrahs supposedly found in codices attributed to various companions. Simple logic dictates that if a person or patron wished to copy or have copied a few or even many sūrahs for personal or public edification, he or they were not limited to copying sūrahs adjoining each other only. Thus one must carefully consider to what extent the manuscript in question was originally a full or partial copy.

The Use Of Ultraviolet Photography In Studying Palimpsests

Written in the ḥijāzī script, the above palimpsests have a few diacritical marks with no vocalization and sūrah titles. Underneath the bold, dark brown writing (i.e., scriptio superior), faint light brown traces of an earlier script (i.e., scriptio inferior) can be seen. This has been washed off to make the parchment reusable once again. The under-writing of palimpsest is, of course, often difficult to read, although modern tools such as ultraviolet photography are useful to highlight them.

The ultraviolet photography enhances the washed off earlier script which now forms the scriptio inferior.

The principle of ultraviolet photography to detect under-writings and forgeries in the manuscripts and documents is quite simple. The ink used in writing early documents was iron-gallotannate type or simply "iron-gall". Iron-gall inks absorb long-wave ultraviolet radiation strongly without generation of fluorescence, so the legibility of faded, bleached or erased parts of handwriting can be improved considerably. On the other hand, the parchment exhibits a weak fluorescence under long-wave ultraviolet light. Traces of iron compounds on the parchment quench this fluorescence, and the areas formerly carrying ink (i.e., scriptio inferior) appear dark against a lighter background as observed in the above figure. Compare the above figure with images of palimpsests (e.g., Sotheby's 1992, recto) to see the improvement of contrast of the faded writing observed in ultraviolet photography as opposed to what is seen in the ordinary colour photography.

Location

Principally at Dār al-Makhṭūtāt, Ṣanʿāʾ, Yemen. Also at the David Collection, Copenhagen, and other private collections.

References

[1] Qādī Ismāʿīl al-Akwá, "The Mosque Of Sanʿāʾ: The Most Prominent Landmark Of Islamic Culture In Yemen" in Maṣāḥif Ṣanʿāʾ, 1985, Dār al-Athar al-Islamiyyah: Kuwait, pp. 20-21 (Arabic Section). For a review of this publication including a very brief summary of al-Akwá's article in English see J. J. Witkam, "Maṣāḥif Ṣan‘a' …", Manuscripts Of The Middle East, 1986, Volume 1, pp. 123-124. Witkam adds circumspectly, “One does indeed wonder, when reading this disheartening information, whether the numerous fragments of vellum Korans that have been offered for sale by auctions at Sotheby's, Christie's and the like during the past fifteen years, do not in fact originate from this or similar finds.” [ibid., p. 123]

[2] P. M. Costa, "The Great Mosque Of San‘ā" in P. M. Costa (Ed.), Studies In Arabian Architecture, 1994, Variorum Collected Studies Series CS 455, p. 16 & pl. 30a, 30b (II). This is a slightly revised version of the original Italian publication translated into English, P. M. Costa, "La Moschea Grande Di San‘ā", Annali Dell'Istituto Orientale Di Napoli, 1974, Volume 34, pp. 487-506. Regrettably Costa's description of the physical space as "hidden" has led some to construct some very strange theories regarding the discovery of these manuscripts. There are certain protocols regarding the proper method of disposal of Qur'anic manuscripts. Joseph Sadan was the first to write at length about the "Islamic Genizah" in the West publishing a pair of articles on the topic in the 1980s. His research and subsequent work has now resulted in the general abandonment of calling the physical space where the manuscripts were discovered as a ‘hiding place'. See J. Sadan, "Genizah and Genizah-Like Practices In Islamic And Jewish Tradition", Bibliotheca Orientalis, 1986, Volume XLIII, cols 36-58; also see M. R. Cohen, "Geniza for Islamicists, Islamic Geniza, And The “New Cairo Geniza”", Harvard Middle Eastern And Islamic Review, 2006, Volume 7, pp. 129-145.

[3] "Recommendations" in R. B. Serjeant (Ed.), The Islamic City, 1980, UNESCO: France, pp. 207-208.

[4] Al-Akwá did not think the Yemenis or indeed much of the Islamic World had any appreciation of the architectural heritage of their country in contrast with the ‘concern' registered by foreign observers. At a seminar on the Architectural Transformations In The Islamic World held at Ṣanʿāʾ in May 1983, in his opening remarks to the Yemeni Prime Minister, other dignitaries and scholars, he declared that, “Until recently we Yemenis did not have an appreciation of our architectural heritage. The people of Sanʿāʾ, and indeed the people in many Islamic countries did not feel that their cities contained anything that was worth preserving. … Foreign scientists, architects and experts registered their concern with our heritage. They praised the beauty of architecture, the type of buildings and the traditional methods of building in Sanʿāʾ. …” See Qadi Ismail al-Akwá, "Opening Remarks", in A. Evin (Ed.), Development And Urban Metamorphosis: Proceedings Of Seminar Eight In The Series Architectural Transformations In The Islamic World Held In Sana‘a, Yemen Arab Republic May 25–30, 1983, 1983, Volume I, The Aga Khan Awards, p. xiv. – It is in such an atmosphere one can appreciate the circumstances as they unfolded.

[5] As this arrangement is regulated by the German Federal Archives Act it cannot be published earlier than thirty years after its coming into force. Therefore, this document will not be open to the public until 2010. (Personal Communication – Anna-Lena Aßmann, German Federal Foreign Office). For a flavour of the type of official agreements between Germany and Yemen spanning a wide range of issues such as finance, economics, politics, friendship and archaeological co-operation, one can immerse oneself in the United Nations Treaty Series. For example see "No. 27713. Federal Republic Of Germany And Yemen: Agreement On Archaeological Cooperation. Signed At San'a On 30 August 1989" in Treaty Series: Treaties And International Agreements Registered Or Filed And Recorded With The Secretariat Of The United Nations, 1998, Volume 1587, United Nations: New York, pp. 439-444. Available online. The signatories are al-Akwá and Reiners.

[6] U. Dreibholz, "Treatment Of Early Islamic Manuscript Fragments On Parchment: A Case History: The Find At Sana‘a, Yemen", in Y. Ibish (Ed.), The Conservation And Preservation Of Islamic Manuscripts, Proceedings Of The Third Conference Of Al-Furqān Islamic Heritage Foundation 18-19 November 1995, 1996, Al-Furqān Islamic Heritage Foundation Publication: No. 19: London (UK), p. 131 & p. 140.

[7] ibid., p. 132; idem., "Preserving A Treasure: The Sana'a Manuscripts", Museum International, 1999, Volume LI, No. 3, p. 22.

[8] This is rather befuddling given the title of the ‘bilateral’ agreement. The original German director of the project neglected to follow his own cogent advice on these matters. Pointing out the “… major obstacles to all kinds of Qur'anic research is the limited access to manuscripts”, Puin goes on to say, “As in the case of the San‘ani manuscripts, most oriental collections of fragments are not properly catalogued and classified, which would be the pre-requisite for microfilming as well as for proper quotations”. See Gerd-R Puin, "Methods of Research On Qur'anic Manuscripts – A Few Ideas" in Maṣāḥif Ṣanʿāʾ, 1985, op. cit., p. 16.

[9] T. Lester, "What Is The Koran?", The Atlantic Monthly, 1999 (January), Volume 283, Number 1, p. 44. Available online. The reverberations of this article were felt in the heart of Yemen prompting Puin and von Bothmer to engage in an impromptu diplomacy. Just over one month after Lester's article, both of them had written dated personal handwritten letters in Arabic addressed directly to al-Akwá attempting to free themselves from the sentiments expressed therein. The full text of Puin's letter can be found in the Yemeni daily newspaper Al-Thawra issue 24.11.1419 / 11.3.1999. For a partial reproduction of Puin's letter one can consult M. M. Al-Azami, "Orientalists And The Qur'an (Part 2)", Impact International, 2000 (March), Volume 30, Number 3, pp. 26-28. Puin terminates his letter with the following advice, no doubt wishing to resonate with al-Akwá's own feelings previously expressed, “… whereas people of ignorance and hatred let them be as they are, until another new generation, well educated, interested in their country's unique history, happy (proud) with their religious heritage, thankful for archaeologists to conserve it and maintain it and taking the expertise and cooperation – even from China!”

[10] Maṣāḥif Ṣanʿāʾ, 1985, op. cit., p. 59, Plate 4.

[11] H. C. G. von Bothmer, "Masterworks Of Islamic Book Art: Koranic Calligraphy And Illumination In The Manuscripts Found In The Great Mosque In Sanaa", in W. Daum (Ed.), Yemen: 3000 Years Of Art And Civilization In Arabia Felix, 1987?, Pinguin-Verlag (Innsbruck) and Umschau-Verlag (Frankfurt/Main), pp. 178-181 for text and Plate I in p. 186 for the image.

[12] Islamic And Indian Art, Oriental Manuscripts And Miniatures, Thursday 22nd and Friday 23rd October 1992 (Catalogue No. 2961), Sotheby's: London, pp. 254-259 (Lot 551).

[13] Oriental Manuscripts And Miniatures, Friday 22nd October 1993 (Catalogue No. 93561), Sotheby's: London, pp. 18-23 (Lot 31). This leaf immediately precedes the leaf described in the previous Sotheby's auction containing the verses 2:264-277.

[14] Islamic And Indian Works Of Art, Wednesday 11th October 2000, Bonham's: London, pp. 11-14 (Lot 13).

[15] Islamic Calligraphy, 2003, Catalogue 27, Sam Fogg: London, p. 6.

[16] M. Fraser & W. Kwiatkowski, Ink And Gold: Islamic Calligraphy, 2006, Sam Fogg: London, pp. 14-17. One will note that the co-author of this entry is Marcus Fraser, formerly Director of Islamic and Indian Art at Sotheby's (London), now an independent Islamic art consultant. Fraser was the expert in charge at the Sotheby's sale of this manuscript in 1992; he was also the expert-in-charge at the Sotheby's sale in 1993 when another folio from the same codex was sold. He is currently preparing a catalogue of Qur'anic manuscripts held at the Tareq Rajab Museum, Kuwait, dating from the first century hijra onwards.

[17] A. Fedeli, "Early Evidences Of Variant Readings In Qur'ānic Manuscripts", in K-H. Ohlig & G-R. Puin (Eds.), Die Dunklen Anfänge: Neue Forschungen Zur Entstehung Und Frühen Geschichte Des Islam, 2006, 2nd Auflage, Verlag Hans Schiler: Berlin (Germany), pp. 298-299 and pp. 304-306. Given the context of the discussion, it is more than a little surprising that in discussing the acquisition of this leaf, Fedeli commits an error of fact (see footnote 29). Discussing the Sotheby's sale of 1992, she says the description attached to the parchment was, “A highly important early Qur'an leaf in hijazi script from the period of the "Rashidun" caliphs”. In actual fact the description is as follows: “Vellum Qur'an leaf in Hijazi script, (surat al-Baqara, verses 277-286) probably Medina, mid-seventh century”. Similar imprecision afflicts the succeeding description also. Fedeli says Lot 34 refers to a “Qur'an section: an important early Qur'an section in Hijazi script”. In actuality the description states “Qur'an section (Surat al-Amran, verses 34-184), Arabic manuscript on vellum written in late Hijazi script, Mecca or Medina, c.700 A. D.” See pp. 26-29 of the Sotheby's catalogue.

[18] F. Déroche (Trans. D. Dusinberre & D. Radzinowicz, Ed. M. I. Waley) Islamic Codicology: An Introduction To The Study Of Manuscripts In Arabic Script, 2006, Al-Furqān Islamic Heritage Foundation Publication: No. 102, Al-Furqān Islamic Heritage Foundation: London (UK), pp. 43-45. This is an English translation of Déroche's De Codicologie Des Manuscrits En Ècriture Arabe published by the Bibliothèque Nationale de France, Paris, in the year 2000. Also see F. Déroche, "New Evidence About Umayyad Book Hands" in Essays In Honour Of Ṣalāḥ Al-Dīn Al-Munajjid, 2002, Al-Furqān Islamic Heritage Foundation Publication: No. 70, Al-Furqān Islamic Heritage Foundation: London (UK), p. 640, footnote 66. Déroche makes a passing mention that this manuscript is dated to the first half of the first century AH. Sheila Blair also makes a passing mention of this manuscript. Please see S. S. Blair, Islamic Calligraphy, 2006, Edinburgh University Press Ltd: Scotland, p. 128 & p. 140, footnote 112. Speculating on the early date, Blair states that the textual sources inform us that the first people to make copies of the Qur'an worked in the eighth century. Blair contradicts herself however as in the previous chapter [p. 85] she confidently informs the reader that copies of the Qur'an were penned in the seventh century! Quite apart from what the textual sources inform us, one would find it most remarkable that the powerful new Islamic "state" that was administering conquered lands, embarking on complex construction projects, collecting taxes, minting coins, sending armies to the extremities of its realm on expeditions by land and sea, proclaiming the faith, etc., find themselves unable to execute the relatively simple task of copying a book!

[19] F. Déroche and S. N. Noseda (Eds.), Sources de la transmission manuscrite du texte coranique. I. Les manuscrits de style hijazi. Volume 2. Tome I. Le manuscrit Or. 2165 (f. 1 à 61) de la British Library, 2001, Fondazione Ferni Noja Noseda, Leda, and British Library: London, pp. xx-xxiii.

[20] S. Noja Noseda, "La Mia Vista A Sanaa E Il Corano Palinseto", Rendiconti: Classe Di Lettere E Scienze Morali E Storiche, 2003 (Published 2004), Volume 137, Fasc. 1, pp. 43-60.

[21] Ricordo di Sergio Noja Noseda, paragraph six, lines 10-15 (accessed 11th April 2008). That there has long been a lack of scholarly reciprocity between east and west is a particular facet of orientalism. It would be hard to envisage a time when a Muslim scholar, no matter how qualified, could gain access to the Vatican Apostolic Library in order to study, organise and photograph one of the most ancient Christian manuscripts such as Bodmer Papyrus XIV-XV (P⁷⁵), thereafter removing some samples for the purposes of radiocarbon dating, all with Papal approval.

[22] S. Noja Noseda, "La Mia Vista A Sanaa E Il Corano Palinseto", Rendiconti: Classe Di Lettere E Scienze Morali E Storiche, 2003 (Published 2004), op. cit., pp. 53-55. Readers may wonder why a folio from 00-27.1 is categorised as belonging to 01-27.1. Here is a description of the inventory scheme developed by Gerd-R Puin as described by Dreibholz:

The signatures of the different volumes consist of three numbers which also represent the main criteria of classification: (a) the number of lines on the page; (b) the maximum length of the lines in centimetres; and (c) how many different volumes with these same criteria already exist. For example, '7-11' means that there are seven lines to the page and they are not longer than 11 cm. Of course, there may be several Korans with these same criteria, distinguished from each other by different script, decoration, format, etc. For each of these an individual number is added at the end of the signature (i.e., 7-11.1, 7-11.2, etc.). An inconsistent number of lines within a volume is designated by the number '01', followed by the length of the lines. Where the number of lines or their length cannot be established, '00' is used.

U. Dreibholz, "Preserving A Treasure: The Sana'a Manuscripts", Museum International, 1999, op. cit., p. 22. Also see, idem., "Treatment Of Early Islamic Manuscript Fragments On Parchment: A Case History: The Find At Sana'a, Yemen", in Y. Ibish (Ed.), The Conservation And Preservation Of Islamic Manuscripts, Proceedings Of The Third Conference Of Al-Furqān Islamic Heritage Foundation 18-19 November 1995, 1996, op. cit., pp. 140-141, for a more detailed description of the classification system. Please note these two essays are similar in content.

[23] Maṣāḥif Ṣanʿāʾ, 1985, op. cit., p. 52, Plate 25, for sample folio.

[24] ibid., p. 54, Plate 23.

[25] ibid., p. 58, Plate 11.

[26] ibid., p. 53, Plate 24.

[27] ibid., p. 56, Plate 17.

[28] ibid., pp. 60-61, Plate 3.

[29] Art Of The Islamic And Indian Worlds, Tuesday 8th April 2008, Christie's: London, pp. 24-27 (Lot 20). If one studies the images carefully it will be observed the scriptio inferior text is written upside down. The recto side contains two sūrah headings, one between lines three and four, and the other on top of line twenty-six. This would suggest we are dealing with a short sūrah comprising approximately twenty-three lines which would correspond in length to a sūrah from the eighties or nineties. Direct observation of the manuscript with assistive technological aids would be required to identify the exact sūrah. Given the tendency of frequently handled manuscripts to be acephalous and apodal attention should be given to this welcome observation.

[30] Recently Elisabeth Puin, Gerd-R. Puin's wife, has painstakingly gone through the Memory Of The World: Ṣanʿāʾ Manuscripts, CD-ROM Presentation by UNESCO and provided a detailed index with additional information as an aid to the cumbersome poorly designed user interface. See K. Small & E. Puin, "UNESCO CD of Ṣanʿāʾ Mss. Part 3: Qur'ān Palimpsests, And Unique Qur'ān Illustrations", Manuscripta Orientalia, 2007, Volume 13, Number 2, pp. 63-70.

[31] The updated list of the number of folios was published recently by E. Puin, "Ein Früher Koranpalimpsest Aus Ṣanʿāʾ (DAM 01-27.1) – Teil II", in M. Groß & K-H. Ohlig (Eds.), Vom Koran Zum Islam: Schriften Zur Frühen Islamgeschichte Und Zum Koran, 2009, Verlag Hans Schiler: Berlin, pp. 523-581. In respect of the two Sotheby's folios, Puin cautiously assumes they are part of the same codex, though it should not, as yet, be taken as fact.

[32] ibid., pp. 529-531. Puin has ordered the folios according to the scriptio inferior text as far as it could be discerned. Additionally, her table provides further information on the condition of some of the folios and other relevant observations regarding the contents.

[33] Personal Communication – Dr Elisabeth Puin, March 2010.

[34] E. Puin, "Ein Früher Koranpalimpsest Aus Ṣanʿāʾ (DAM 01-27.1)", in M. Groß & K-H. Ohlig (Eds.), Schlaglichter: Die Beiden Ersten Islamischen Jahrhunderte, 2008, Verlag Hans Schiler: Berlin, pp 461-493.

[35] For documentary examples of non-standard sūrah changeover see M. M. al-A‘zami, The History Of The Qur'ānic Text From Revelation To Compilation: A Comparative Study With The Old And New Testaments, 2003, UK Islamic Academy: Leicester (UK), pp. 72-76. Manuscript DAM 01-32.1 also shows one non-standard sūrah changeover, i.e., from sūrah 26 to sūrah 37. This particular sequence accords with two contradictory sūrah lists allegedly originating with ʿAbdullāh Ibn Masʿūd. See G-R. Puin, "Observations On Early Qur'an Manuscripts In Ṣanʿāʾ", in S. Wild (Ed.), The Qur'an As Text, 1996, E. J. Brill: Leiden (The Netherlands), pp. 110-111; Also see A. Jeffery, Materials For The History Of The Text Of The Qur'ān: The Old Codices, 1937, E. J. Brill: Leiden, pp. 21-24.

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